(NOTE: This article was originally published in the India Today issue dated July 28, 2025)

Control over temples—and, more to the point, temple funds—has been historically an emotive point of contention between traditionalists and rationalists in the South. The former prefer autonomy for the religious sphere and see any apparent overreach by the latter as a transgression—it’s also an easy way to raise public passions. The latest shot across the bow came in a campaign remark by AIADMK leader Edappadi K. Palaniswami (EPS). Speaking during a statewide tour, he accused the ruling DMK of misusing temple funds for purposes unrelated to religion. That has escalated into a wider clash involving electoral strategies, the law, and the legacy of Dravidian politics.

“Even seeing temples irritates the DMK,” EPS told crowds in Coimbatore. “They are taking all the temple money and building colleges. People like you, with good hearts, donate into hundiyals for temple development. That money goes to the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) department. They’re diverting it. Isn’t it unfair? Shouldn’t the government fund colleges from its own resources?”

The DMK backlash was sharp and swift. “Even during his time, temple funds were used to inaugurate colleges. The HR&CE Act clearly allows surplus temple funds to be used for educational and charitable purposes,” CM M.K. Stalin said, in his first jab. Then he let go of a roundhouse: “From being a dubbed voice of the BJP, EPS has now become its original voice.” Deputy CM Udhayanidhi Stalin was no less vitriolic: “EPS has fully transformed into a Sanghi. This is not the voice of the AIADMK; it’s the voice of the RSS-BJP.”

FIGHT FOR FAITH

There’s context to the DMK’s charge. For decades, the RSS-BJP has said temples should be administered solely by ‘devotees’. The demand was revived at the World Murugan Devotees Conference at Madurai, in June. With BJP leaders in attendance, the event passed a resolution calling for ‘liberating’ temple affairs from state control. On July 12, the party raked up the issue again, insisting on transparency to prevent “the plunder of temple wealth” and demanding a white paper on the issue. “This talk of building new colleges is nothing but a smokescreen,” S.G. Suryah, state secretary of the Tamil Nadu BJP, told india today. “The government’s real record is one of neglect; thousands of temples are crumbling under its watch. Devotees’ money must go toward preserving our sacred heritage, not funding the state’s agenda. Our demand is simple: free our temples. Let the devotees, the true stakeholders, manage them.”

Tamil writer Imayam, who serves as the vice-chairman of the TN SC/ST Commission, finds the idea of blocking temple money for education “not just wrong, but vicious”. Tamil Nadu has “historically resisted and won” against the “push to privatise religion and turn temples into exclusive zones”, says the Sahitya Akademi awardee. Indeed, temple funds gaining social purpose is no DMK innovation; way back in 1961, under Congress rule, surplus from the Palani temple helped set up the Palaniandavar College of Indian Culture.

Reeling a bit from the onslaught, EPS has since attempted to clarify his remarks. “I’m not against education,” he said. “But when temples fund colleges, they often lack adequate facilities. Government-funded colleges are better equipped. That was my only point.” But the framing of his original remarks has allowed the DMK to present the AIADMK’s rhetoric as increasingly aligned with saffron—and anti-development.

Electorally, that can become an Achilles’ heel for a substantial part of its vote base. Hitherto, it had been navigating through a zone of ambivalence. As the 2026 assembly election approaches, religion-oriented topics are likely to become even more politically charged, and the AIADMK may find it vexing to sail in two boats. For the DMK, it looks less troubling: an aggravation of the polity around religion only solidifies its base.

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